China's Vision for World Order

How Beijing is reshaping the global order from within — preserving institutions while rewriting the norms that animate them

Core Argument

China is best understood not as a revolutionary challenger seeking to overthrow the existing international order, but as a selective revisionist power aiming to reshape it from within — preserving institutional foundations while redefining their normative content.

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A World at a Crossroads

In September 2025, Xi Jinping launched the Global Governance Initiative (GGI) — the fourth in a series of global initiatives since 2021. This came amid intensifying US–China competition and a turbulent shift in American policy under President Trump's second term.

2021

Global Development Initiative (GDI) Explore →

Launched at the UN General Assembly, linked to UN Sustainable Development Goals. Focuses on addressing the global development deficit.

2022

Global Security Initiative (GSI) Explore →

Emphasises sovereignty, territorial integrity, non-interference, and "taking legitimate security concerns of all countries seriously."

2023

Global Civilisation Initiative (GCI) Explore →

Advocates "diversity of civilisations" and civilisational interpretations of values — reframing universal human rights through a cultural lens.

2025

Global Governance Initiative (GGI) Explore →

Announced at the SCO summit in Tianjin. Elevates sovereign equality as "the most important norm governing state-to-state relations."

Four Structural Drivers of Transformation

01

Power Shift

The balance of power that underpinned the post–Cold War order has shifted. While the US remains the preeminent military power, China has narrowed the gap in comprehensive national power.

02

Economic Imbalances

Globalisation created deep structural imbalances — the concentration of manufacturing in China alongside deindustrialisation across much of the Western world.

03

Political Disruption

Economic dislocations and immigration have fuelled nativism, populism, and anti-globalisation politics across Western societies.

04

Technological Change

Innovation is outpacing adaptation. Control over compute, algorithms, data, and network infrastructure is becoming a critical determinant of power.

Disaggregating Order

To understand how Beijing thinks about world order, the chapter separates it into two dimensions: the institutional order and the normative order. This distinction reveals a crucial pattern in China's behaviour.

Institutional Order

The visible architecture of global governance

  • United Nations system
  • International Monetary Fund
  • World Bank
  • World Trade Organization
Largely preserved by China
vs

Normative Order

The animating principles and values

Westphalian Norms

  • Sovereignty & territorial integrity
  • Non-interference
  • Self-determination
Selectively adhered to

Liberal Norms

  • Free markets & rule of law
  • Universal human rights
  • Democratic governance
  • Cooperative security
Actively revised by China

If institutions provide the visible architecture of order, norms are the animating force that gives it purpose, direction, and legitimacy. They are the currents that flow through the system's foundations.

The Chinese Leadership Worldview

Beijing sees a world undergoing "great transformation," with the balance of power shifting East. This creates what Xi described as an era where "strategic opportunities, risks, and challenges are concurrent."

Perceived Strengths

  • Rapid industrialisation in "merely decades" vs. centuries in the West
  • Centrality to global supply chains and large domestic market
  • Expanding innovation ecosystem and R&D capabilities
  • Party governance with strong "mobilisational capacity"
  • Consolidation of Xi's authority providing "institutional guarantees"

Perceived Threats

  • US containment strategy targeting China's development
  • Decoupling, de-risking, and technological coercion
  • Potential counterbalancing by middle powers
  • Domestic challenges across political, economic, and tech domains
  • Hostile external environment demanding "struggle"

The Core Tension

Self-Reliance

Hostile environment strengthens calls for inward consolidation and self-strengthening

vs

Global Engagement

Long-term prosperity remains tied to the global economy and deeper integration

This duality — between inward consolidation and outward openness — lies at the heart of China's contemporary grand strategy.

Four Deficits Identified by Beijing

The Chinese leadership identifies four interrelated deficits as the principal sources of global instability:

Development
Peace
Governance
Trust

Revising the Institutional Order

China's approach to institutions is three-pronged: expand influence within existing bodies, sustain the post-WWII architecture, and build parallel platforms. The goal is not replacement but augmentation.

1

Expand Influence Within

Enhance legitimacy and authority within existing institutions as a great power.

2nd largest UN budget contributor (~20%) RMB in IMF SDR basket (12.28%) $1B UN Peace & Development Fund Dropped WTO developing-country status
2

Sustain Existing Architecture

Recognise that the post-WWII institutional framework serves China's strategic interests and global stability.

Supports WTO Appellate Body restoration Funds LDC WTO integration since 2011 Opposed Trump's Board of Peace (2026) Active in Multi-Party Interim Appeal
3

Build Parallel Platforms

Advance specific objectives and cultivate coalitions supporting its governance reform agenda.

BRICS (expanded to 11 members) SCO (10 members, 15 dialogue partners) AIIB ($60B+ approved financing) Belt and Road Initiative World Data Organization (2026) International Organisation for Mediation

China's Institutional Ecosystem

Multilateral Groupings

BRICS11 members + 10 partners
SCO24% world land, 42% population

Financial Institutions

AIIB100+ member countries
NDBBRICS New Development Bank
Silk Road FundBRI financing vehicle

Regional Forums

FOCACChina–Africa Cooperation
China–Arab ForumArab States Cooperation
China–CELACLatin America & Caribbean
China–C. AsiaCentral Asia mechanism
China–PacificPacific Island Countries

New Organisations

IOMIntl. Organisation for Mediation (HK)
WDOWorld Data Organization (Beijing)
Proposed: World AI OrgTo complement UN AI governance

Revising the Normative Order

This is where China's revisionism is most pronounced. Rather than simply rejecting liberal norms, Beijing engages in sustained norm entrepreneurship — redefining meanings, selectively adhering, and promoting alternative frameworks.

The Dual-Track Pattern

Broadly Supports
Selectively Adheres
Actively Revises
Westphalian Norms
Liberal Norms

Westphalian Norms: Selective Adherence

Beijing generally supports sovereignty, territorial integrity, and non-interference — but is willing to dilute or circumvent them when they conflict with core interests.

South China Sea

Expansive maritime claims, artificial island-building, and incursions into other countries' EEZs — contradicting professed commitment to territorial integrity.

CPEC & India

The China–Pakistan Economic Corridor traverses Indian territory occupied by Pakistan, raising concerns about sovereignty violations.

Russia–Ukraine & GSI

"Legitimate security concerns" framing dilutes Ukraine's sovereign right to choose its security alignments — serving Beijing's interest in weakening NATO.

BRI & Domestic Politics

In Sri Lanka, Nepal, Cambodia and others, Chinese financing has shaped elite decision-making, blurring external partnership and internal influence.

Liberal Norms: Ambitious Revisionism

This is the frontier of China's norm entrepreneurship. Three domains illustrate the pattern:

Economic Order

Rhetoric

"Open, fair, equitable and non-discriminatory" economic environment

Reality

Selective openness and increasing securitisation. Preferential treatment for domestic firms, strategic use of market access, export controls on rare earths (Oct 2025), and supply chain security regulations (Apr 2026) threatening countermeasures.

Goal: De-risk from the world while deepening others' reliance on the Chinese economy.

Human Rights

The GCI reframes universal human rights through three key shifts:

  1. Civilisational framing — ties rights to state sovereignty, legitimising discriminatory practices while limiting international responses
  2. State-centric model — prioritises state and community interests over individual rights, risking rollback of civil society gains
  3. Delegitimisation — conflates liberal values with "Westernisation," recasting universal frameworks as culturally biased

Democracy

Beijing's redefinition

Democracy is about governance efficiency and development outcomes — not transparency, free elections, separation of powers, or individual rights.

Implication

Performance-based legitimacy replaces institutional accountability. The legitimacy of a system derives from material delivery rather than political participation.

A fundamental departure from liberal norms — prioritising utilitarian governance while blunting domestic and international critics.

International Law: Contingent Compliance

South China Sea Arbitration (2016)

Rejected Permanent Court of Arbitration ruling as "null and void" while continuing island-building

Hong Kong National Security Law

Widely seen as undermining obligations under the Sino-British Joint Declaration

WTO Compliance

Persistent concerns over subsidies and market distortions

Xinjiang

Policies draw sustained criticism for contravening international human rights norms

Selective Revisionist, Not Revolutionary

Institutional Order
Westphalian Norms
Liberal Norms
Beijing's Posture
Preserve & Expand
Selective Adherence
Active Revision
Strategy
Leverage for legitimacy; build parallel platforms
Support in rhetoric; circumvent when interests conflict
Reinterpret, dilute, or replace with alternatives
Key Tools
BRICS, SCO, AIIB, BRI, regional forums
GSI, sovereignty discourse, selective enforcement
GCI, GDI, "democracy that works," civilisational framing

China's strategy reflects a calibrated effort to redefine the rules of the system without dismantling its institutional foundations. Beijing remains deeply invested in the post-WWII architecture — the UN system and Bretton Woods institutions — which it leverages for legitimacy, influence, and stability.

But in the normative domain, through initiatives like BRI, GDI, GSI, GCI, and GGI, Beijing is engaging in sustained norm entrepreneurship — reinterpreting, diluting, or replacing elements of the liberal order while broadly endorsing Westphalian norms. The result is not a parallel order, but a transformed one: the same institutions, animated by different values.

"To reform and improve global governance does not mean to overturn the existing international order or to create another framework outside the current international system."

— GGI Concept Paper, 2025

The question is not whether China will break the existing system. It is whether the system will still mean the same thing once China has finished reshaping its normative foundations.

Progress Report on China's Community of Common Destiny

What does Community of Common Destiny Mean?

First articulated by Xi Jinping in 2013, the "Community with a Shared Future for Mankind" (sometimes translated as Community of Common Destiny, or CCD) is China's signature foreign policy concept — a vision of a world where nations' interests, security, and development are interwoven. It is framed as an alternative to what Beijing sees as a zero-sum, bloc-based liberal order.

Officially, the Chinese government has said that over 40 countries and regional organizations have partnered with China in establishing CCD mechanisms.

Source: Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People's Republic of China

Global Network of Communities of Common Destiny

Click any highlighted country to open its bilateral CCD source document. Regional groupings are listed below the map.

Bilateral CCD
Regional CCD member
Both bilateral & regional

Chinese Analytical Perspectives on World Order

Leading Chinese scholars and strategists are actively debating the contours of a fragmenting global order. Their arguments reveal the intellectual currents shaping Beijing's policy thinking.

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Zheng Yongnian Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shenzhen

The international system is undergoing "feudalisation" as great powers build regional orders. China should champion the free trade and multilateralism America has abandoned.

Ma Xiaoye Academy for World Watch, Shanghai

The post-free-trade era will feature "managed trade" with framework agreements setting volumes by product category. The post-war US-centred order is reversing.

Jin Canrong Renmin University

The system faces "World minus 1" (US withdrawal), not "China plus 1" competition. China risks repeating American mistakes if it simply assumes a hegemonic role.

Wu Baiyi CASS Institute of Latin American Studies

US "super financial imperialism" is unravelling. Structural foundations for de-dollarisation are being laid through currency swaps, digital currencies, and alternative payment systems.

Wang Jisi Peking University

A rare opening exists for US-China "new normalisation" beginning with Taiwan de-escalation. The Fourth Plenum emphasis on openness echoes Deng's strategy.

Chen Wenling China Center for Intl. Economic Exchanges

China must articulate economic "red lines" on overseas investment, trade with sanctioned states, supply chains, and sea lane access. The current moment is a window of leverage.

Zhou Bo Tsinghua University

Europe's anti-China pressure campaign has failed. China could lead a Global South-majority peacekeeping force for a Ukraine ceasefire.

Niu Xinchun Ningxia University

The US-Iran impasse is structurally "irresolvable." The conflict is a regional "mini-Cold War" fusing great power competition with ideological opposition.

Li Xunlei Zhongtai Securities

China's global export share will reach ~17% by 2030. It remains the "terminal station of global manufacturing transfer" with irreplicable supply chains.

Zhang Jian CICIR

Europe must abandon its NATO obsession for genuine independence. NATO expansion worsened security, limited independence, and heightened internal tensions.

Cai Fang Chinese Academy of Social Sciences

AI deepens unemployment by accelerating a "reverse-Kuznets process." Calls for decoupling remuneration from productivity via redistribution.

Xia Bin Nankai University

China remains a "financially weak nation." Pursue RMB regionalisation through offshore markets — not premature full capital account liberalisation.

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